When Rekha Dahiya went to Russia, she had a huge responsibility on her shoulders. The biggest of them was the struggle to prove that she was not second to any. Rekha Dahiya is the member of the Indian international wrestling team and fights in the toughest and most competitive weight category of 48 kg. When TSI caught up with her, she was so shy that her team members, both boys and girls, helped her recount her achievements. But when it came to practice, it was the same Rekha who was leading their skill training session from the front. What makes the achievements of this girl even more remarkable is the surrounding from where she has risen to be a wrestler. She belongs to Haryana, which has the most skewed sex ratio in the country. It is noyt a place where girls are encouraged to chart out their own course of life. Rekha’s practice arena will put her struggle in the right perspective. The place is full of mosquitoes and the ceiling is broken at many places. Her coach, Ishwar Dahiya, is obviously immensely proud of her. This daughter of a farmer is waiting for her moment of glory on the podium.
Tuesday, December 22, 2009
Monday, December 21, 2009
Lieutenant General Punita Arora
She is the first woman to have held a lieutenant general's rank with three stars in the world. She may have retired from the services in May, 2006 but she is still busy looking after patients. She is a bundle of energy and inspiration. When the TSI team met her at her residence, it was late in the evening. But as soon as we entered, she infused in us the same positive energy. She was gleaming with happiness as she had been able to help her patient deliver a normal baby which was otherwise a complicated case and chances of survival of the two were grim. She said proudly, “It is the Army which has given me this much of stamina and endurance that I can work continuously.” Lieutenant General Arora joined the Army way back in 1963 and since then has been a fully devoted soldier. Even a mere mention of word “service” charges her up and she considers country first before anything else. “We should educate our children not just for a mere degree. Values are important in life too. Also, we should learn the example of working like a cohesive unit from the armed forces as this will help every citizen to contribute to the growth of the nation,” said Lt Gen. Arora. According to her, everyone should be given a chance with no prejudice or pre-conceived notion because only then a person, whether a man or a woman, will be able to give the best. “Every man and woman should get the same social, emotional and professional atmosphere. God has given us the same brain and thinking power.” She said. “As for the forces, there is a system of Annual Confidential Report and annual assessment. Give chance to every man or woman, the choice of stream and then those who don’t perform can easily be weeded out irrespective of their gender. But, to decide that one is not fit or cannot do justice to a role at the outset is wrong. The first Indian woman to become a part of the Army was in 1942 and we are still busy over the discussion of man vs woman. This is regressive,” were her strong words. She has designed a bracelet herself with a map of India and the religious symbols of Hinduism, Islam, Christianity and Sikhism joined together with the help of a chain. For her, work has been the biggest motivation that made nothing difficult or stressful.
Tuesday, December 15, 2009
IIPM News - CRISTIANO RONALDO
“This is the start of a new career”
Marc Beaugé in Madrid Since the Champion’s League final night in
May, where Manchester United lost to Barcelona, Cristiano has been busy, becoming the world’s most expensive, most in-the-news, most beleaguered, most loved, most hated, and most paradoxical player. The current holder of the Ballon d’Or (European Footballer of the Year Award) looks back on a season that made him the world’s most expensive player as he left Manchester United for a new beginning at Real Madrid
Are you settled in Madrid?
Life is great for me here. Really. It’s almost like being in Portugal. The food, the fact that it’s almost always sunny. It rains sometimes, but I never notice. I feel at home. And the language is easy for me as well.
Have you bought a house in Madrid?
Yes, I live two or three minutes from here. It’s a quite neighbourhood, a fair way away from the city centre. My mother loves it. She comes to see me much more regularly now. Everything’s easier here. Except for going into town. I’ve been living here for two months now and I know nothing, absolutely nothing, about the city. What have I seen of Madrid? My house, the stadium, the training ground! It’s incredible! But I have time. I’ve signed for six years; obviously I’ll have time to get to know Madrid.
Since your transfer, you seem to be more of a fixture in the star system than ever. The paparazzi follow you around now …
In the beginning, they did. There were photographers, journalists. But that’s all over and done with now. They know where I live, they know where my house is, but they don’t bother me. When I close the front door, I’m safe. I’m at home. I live comfortably with my family, my parents, my friends.
Media pressure isn’t a problem. But it’s true that there’s a bit more pressure here than there was in England. Over there, there were places I could go if I wanted to be left alone. The English aren’t like the Spanish. They keep their distance, even with people who are well-known. They’re more discrete. But I got used to playing for one of the biggest clubs in the world. When you have a career like that, when you score goals and win trophies, people take an interest in you. It was already like that at United. I knew that people were interested in me. Here, it’s just a little more intense. After training sessions, there are dozens of fans outside waiting for autographs and photos. Sometimes you can spend a little time with them. Sometimes you can’t. When there are too many people you can’t give all of them what they want. But I do my best. At United, there were never any fans at training sessions.
Do you feel more pressure here? From the supporters, the media …
Yeah, I guess there’s more pressure here than at Manchester United. There’s always something going on around the club. The press are always there. The supporters are always talking. They say that we have to win this trophy, that trophy. You feel more pressure. But where’s the problem? I’m a professional footballer. I like pressure. Not too much. But a little, for sure. It encourages me.
Is the pressure that comes from being the world’s most expensive player hard to deal with?
No. I don’t care about that. You know what? I’m glad I’m the most expensive player in the world. Very glad. I consider it a fantastic honour. But, today, I’m just doing my job, at a huge club, with incredible players. What do I have to complain about?
Isn’t playing for Real Madrid very different from playing for Manchester United?
The problem is that I played for Manchester United for six years. You get to know your teammates pretty well in six years. We understood each other better and better every season. At Madrid, it’s only the beginning. In a few months, we’ll be a real team. We’ll play like a team. There’s no reason to be worried.
Which suggests that Real Madrid isn’t a team yet…
Of course we don’t play like a team yet. We have a lot of work to do. But we’re on the right road. Everyone’s working hard. The atmosphere in the dressing room is good. In a few months we’ll have improved.
Marc Beaugé in Madrid Since the Champion’s League final night in
May, where Manchester United lost to Barcelona, Cristiano has been busy, becoming the world’s most expensive, most in-the-news, most beleaguered, most loved, most hated, and most paradoxical player. The current holder of the Ballon d’Or (European Footballer of the Year Award) looks back on a season that made him the world’s most expensive player as he left Manchester United for a new beginning at Real MadridAre you settled in Madrid?
Life is great for me here. Really. It’s almost like being in Portugal. The food, the fact that it’s almost always sunny. It rains sometimes, but I never notice. I feel at home. And the language is easy for me as well.
Have you bought a house in Madrid?
Yes, I live two or three minutes from here. It’s a quite neighbourhood, a fair way away from the city centre. My mother loves it. She comes to see me much more regularly now. Everything’s easier here. Except for going into town. I’ve been living here for two months now and I know nothing, absolutely nothing, about the city. What have I seen of Madrid? My house, the stadium, the training ground! It’s incredible! But I have time. I’ve signed for six years; obviously I’ll have time to get to know Madrid.
Since your transfer, you seem to be more of a fixture in the star system than ever. The paparazzi follow you around now …
In the beginning, they did. There were photographers, journalists. But that’s all over and done with now. They know where I live, they know where my house is, but they don’t bother me. When I close the front door, I’m safe. I’m at home. I live comfortably with my family, my parents, my friends.
Media pressure isn’t a problem. But it’s true that there’s a bit more pressure here than there was in England. Over there, there were places I could go if I wanted to be left alone. The English aren’t like the Spanish. They keep their distance, even with people who are well-known. They’re more discrete. But I got used to playing for one of the biggest clubs in the world. When you have a career like that, when you score goals and win trophies, people take an interest in you. It was already like that at United. I knew that people were interested in me. Here, it’s just a little more intense. After training sessions, there are dozens of fans outside waiting for autographs and photos. Sometimes you can spend a little time with them. Sometimes you can’t. When there are too many people you can’t give all of them what they want. But I do my best. At United, there were never any fans at training sessions.
Do you feel more pressure here? From the supporters, the media …
Yeah, I guess there’s more pressure here than at Manchester United. There’s always something going on around the club. The press are always there. The supporters are always talking. They say that we have to win this trophy, that trophy. You feel more pressure. But where’s the problem? I’m a professional footballer. I like pressure. Not too much. But a little, for sure. It encourages me.
Is the pressure that comes from being the world’s most expensive player hard to deal with?
No. I don’t care about that. You know what? I’m glad I’m the most expensive player in the world. Very glad. I consider it a fantastic honour. But, today, I’m just doing my job, at a huge club, with incredible players. What do I have to complain about?
Isn’t playing for Real Madrid very different from playing for Manchester United?
The problem is that I played for Manchester United for six years. You get to know your teammates pretty well in six years. We understood each other better and better every season. At Madrid, it’s only the beginning. In a few months, we’ll be a real team. We’ll play like a team. There’s no reason to be worried.
Which suggests that Real Madrid isn’t a team yet…
Of course we don’t play like a team yet. We have a lot of work to do. But we’re on the right road. Everyone’s working hard. The atmosphere in the dressing room is good. In a few months we’ll have improved.
Monday, December 14, 2009
Hopeless in Baghdad
Iraq’s so-called secular coalitions contesting January polls are nothing but inconsistent & rag-tag groups of sectarian and confessional political entities that have run out of ideas, says Saurabh Kumar Shahi
International affairs become a tricky business when you try to see a country with a perspective that you have drawn from a separate nation with completely different guiding principles. For example, an Indian scribe can never understand why Iraq, a country whose population can be compared with just a couple of Indian metropolises, has a total of 296 registered political parties.
And mind you, almost none of them are redundant and all of them are contesting at least one seat each. And there are very few countries where the number of political parties in the fray exceeds the number of seats (275) being contested for. But then, how many countries are on the verge of Balkanization to the extent of Iraq? And that explains the quagmire of the upcoming Iraqi elections. “Iraq exhibits an extent of political division generally found in first time multi-party polls, nevertheless hardly ever seen subsequently. Even the figure of broad-based coalitions — minimum six, as of today — suggests profound fragmentation,” says Marina Ottaway, an Iraq expert with Carnegie Centre, while speaking to TSI.
So, why this fragmentation? Does it reflect the aspirations and thought of common Iraqis? Unfortunately, yes. There are numerous aspects that explain the systematic division of the Iraqi political fabric. But nothing is more serious than the legacy of the struggle against Saddam Hussein. Explains Amr Hamzawy, a Cairo-based expert, while talking to TSI, “A large part and section of Saddam’s resistance was planned along confessional lines. Political exiles in several countries came up with their own groups that used to attract flesh and blood as well as finances from different organisations and countries. The present political system is a mere manifestation of the same.” Fair enough. But that only explains that things have changed for worse. When Baghdad fell in 2003, none of these rag-tag groups could take the credit of having “liberated” the country. Consequently, the subsequent elections in 2005 threw a profoundly fractured parliament, aggravating the quandary.
So what have western backed indigenous institutions come up with to deal with it in the up-coming elections? They have opted for an electoral system that not only reflects a lack of imagination but is also playing to the gallery. The “Proportional Representation” that they have come up with, is expected to further disseminate the division. They have failed to devise a mechanism to reduce the number of coalitions and parties. Worse, this will also fuel intra-party struggle on sectarian and regional lines and further implode several coalitions. Clearly, the institutions have shown sheer lack of knowledge in dealing with the task they were entrusted with.
Many western analysts still maintain that all is not wrong with the country and assert that the present elections are being fought on a “non-sectarian” base, or at least a diminished sectarian base than the previous polls. It gives a false impression that sectarianism and confessionalism is on wane in Iraq. It is far from it.
The truth is as complex as the political scene. If you leave aside Kurds, other pre-poll coalitions are indeed rainbow alliances that draws from a set of political entities, intelligentsia and ethnicity. But it is hogwash at the best. All the parties that form these coalitions have drawn strength from a particular group or sect or ethnicity. And it is something that is predominant, not a one off. “If you really want a confessionalism-free democracy, the process should reach the very roots. A non-sectarian coalition made up of confessional political entity is just a laughing stock,” explains Amr. And if that was not enough, in each of these alliances the biggest coalition partner holds a sway, which automatically means that the confession it represents will have a larger say in the affairs and agenda of the coalition.
Thus, Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki’s Rule of Law Coalition is dominated by Dawa, a significant Shia group, and some of the largely insignificant Sunni and Kurdish factions. Similarly, the Iraqi National Alliance, which comprises major Shia factions is also luring groups from other sects but remains essentially a Shia alliance. Therefore, on the face of it, an alliance that binds major Shia, Sunni and Kurdish parties, is non-existent. The only possible exception is the secular Iraqi National Movement (INM). The coalition boasts of a rainbow of well known intellectuals and lawmakers from both the Shia and the Sunni sections, including Iraqi Front for National Dialogue chief Saleh al-Mutlaq, former Prime Minister Iyad Allawi, Vice President Tareq al-Hashemi and speaker Mahmoud al-Mashhadani. However, it can merely be termed as an “alliance of convenience”. There is no set of principles that all of them agree upon. Whether or not will it survive the post-poll tensions is anybody’s guess.
And as if it was not enough, last week, Vice President Tareq al-Hashemi vetoed the proposal asking for more representation for 2 to 3 million expatriate Iraqis—mostly Sunnis—who fled following Saddam’s fall. He, along with Kurdish groups and President Jalal Talabani, called for Article One of the election law to be amended to allow 15 per cent of the seats to be reserved as “national seats”.
Although Iraq’s top judicial body has termed the veto illegal, a further delay in January’s elections seems unavoidable as lawmakers were still arguing the nuances of the law and decision.
International affairs become a tricky business when you try to see a country with a perspective that you have drawn from a separate nation with completely different guiding principles. For example, an Indian scribe can never understand why Iraq, a country whose population can be compared with just a couple of Indian metropolises, has a total of 296 registered political parties.
And mind you, almost none of them are redundant and all of them are contesting at least one seat each. And there are very few countries where the number of political parties in the fray exceeds the number of seats (275) being contested for. But then, how many countries are on the verge of Balkanization to the extent of Iraq? And that explains the quagmire of the upcoming Iraqi elections. “Iraq exhibits an extent of political division generally found in first time multi-party polls, nevertheless hardly ever seen subsequently. Even the figure of broad-based coalitions — minimum six, as of today — suggests profound fragmentation,” says Marina Ottaway, an Iraq expert with Carnegie Centre, while speaking to TSI.
So, why this fragmentation? Does it reflect the aspirations and thought of common Iraqis? Unfortunately, yes. There are numerous aspects that explain the systematic division of the Iraqi political fabric. But nothing is more serious than the legacy of the struggle against Saddam Hussein. Explains Amr Hamzawy, a Cairo-based expert, while talking to TSI, “A large part and section of Saddam’s resistance was planned along confessional lines. Political exiles in several countries came up with their own groups that used to attract flesh and blood as well as finances from different organisations and countries. The present political system is a mere manifestation of the same.” Fair enough. But that only explains that things have changed for worse. When Baghdad fell in 2003, none of these rag-tag groups could take the credit of having “liberated” the country. Consequently, the subsequent elections in 2005 threw a profoundly fractured parliament, aggravating the quandary.
So what have western backed indigenous institutions come up with to deal with it in the up-coming elections? They have opted for an electoral system that not only reflects a lack of imagination but is also playing to the gallery. The “Proportional Representation” that they have come up with, is expected to further disseminate the division. They have failed to devise a mechanism to reduce the number of coalitions and parties. Worse, this will also fuel intra-party struggle on sectarian and regional lines and further implode several coalitions. Clearly, the institutions have shown sheer lack of knowledge in dealing with the task they were entrusted with.
Many western analysts still maintain that all is not wrong with the country and assert that the present elections are being fought on a “non-sectarian” base, or at least a diminished sectarian base than the previous polls. It gives a false impression that sectarianism and confessionalism is on wane in Iraq. It is far from it.
The truth is as complex as the political scene. If you leave aside Kurds, other pre-poll coalitions are indeed rainbow alliances that draws from a set of political entities, intelligentsia and ethnicity. But it is hogwash at the best. All the parties that form these coalitions have drawn strength from a particular group or sect or ethnicity. And it is something that is predominant, not a one off. “If you really want a confessionalism-free democracy, the process should reach the very roots. A non-sectarian coalition made up of confessional political entity is just a laughing stock,” explains Amr. And if that was not enough, in each of these alliances the biggest coalition partner holds a sway, which automatically means that the confession it represents will have a larger say in the affairs and agenda of the coalition.
Thus, Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki’s Rule of Law Coalition is dominated by Dawa, a significant Shia group, and some of the largely insignificant Sunni and Kurdish factions. Similarly, the Iraqi National Alliance, which comprises major Shia factions is also luring groups from other sects but remains essentially a Shia alliance. Therefore, on the face of it, an alliance that binds major Shia, Sunni and Kurdish parties, is non-existent. The only possible exception is the secular Iraqi National Movement (INM). The coalition boasts of a rainbow of well known intellectuals and lawmakers from both the Shia and the Sunni sections, including Iraqi Front for National Dialogue chief Saleh al-Mutlaq, former Prime Minister Iyad Allawi, Vice President Tareq al-Hashemi and speaker Mahmoud al-Mashhadani. However, it can merely be termed as an “alliance of convenience”. There is no set of principles that all of them agree upon. Whether or not will it survive the post-poll tensions is anybody’s guess.
And as if it was not enough, last week, Vice President Tareq al-Hashemi vetoed the proposal asking for more representation for 2 to 3 million expatriate Iraqis—mostly Sunnis—who fled following Saddam’s fall. He, along with Kurdish groups and President Jalal Talabani, called for Article One of the election law to be amended to allow 15 per cent of the seats to be reserved as “national seats”.
Although Iraq’s top judicial body has termed the veto illegal, a further delay in January’s elections seems unavoidable as lawmakers were still arguing the nuances of the law and decision.
Wednesday, December 09, 2009
Scripting a turnaround
The pleasant personality and soft voice are misleading. IPS officer DP Singh is the Additional Superintendent of Police (industries), 24 Parganas, West Bengal.
A tall, fair and handsome man, he doesn’t speak too much. But he
can charm the birds out of the trees. An average student in school, he worked hard for four years to get through the UPSC examination. He scored 59 per cent marks in his Intermediate, but went on to script a remarkable turnaround.
“I am not the only one,” he says. “There must be many who have achieved success in life despite not performing too well in school and college exams. On my part, I was always confident that I would be able to overcome obstacles.”
Singh says he was inspired by the example set by his seniors at Sainik School, Lucknow. “Many of them did not do particularly well in their class 12 exams and yet broke into the IITs and the National Defence Academy,” he says. “I think the trick lies in planning systematically and pursuing one’s goals single-mindedly.”
Once you are in the field, says Singh, success depends on how quickly you can think on your feet and take decisions. “Professional success has little to do with mugging up for exams,” he adds. If proof were needed, look no further than DP Singh.
A tall, fair and handsome man, he doesn’t speak too much. But he
can charm the birds out of the trees. An average student in school, he worked hard for four years to get through the UPSC examination. He scored 59 per cent marks in his Intermediate, but went on to script a remarkable turnaround.“I am not the only one,” he says. “There must be many who have achieved success in life despite not performing too well in school and college exams. On my part, I was always confident that I would be able to overcome obstacles.”
Singh says he was inspired by the example set by his seniors at Sainik School, Lucknow. “Many of them did not do particularly well in their class 12 exams and yet broke into the IITs and the National Defence Academy,” he says. “I think the trick lies in planning systematically and pursuing one’s goals single-mindedly.”
Once you are in the field, says Singh, success depends on how quickly you can think on your feet and take decisions. “Professional success has little to do with mugging up for exams,” he adds. If proof were needed, look no further than DP Singh.
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