The deadline set by Mulford makes the Communists see red
The Left’s desperation to nuke the Indo-US civilian nuclear deal took centrestage once more as US Ambassador to India David C. Mulford announced his “autumn deadline”.
Mulford had told an Indian TV channel that were India to dilly
dally any further, the deal might just melt down forever – the toughest language the US envoy has used so far. This predictably had the Left hopping mad. For even though it shares power with the Congress in the UPA led by it, the Communists have throughout made the deal the centrepiece of their conditional partnership. Mulford’s warning was met with jeers in the Left ranks, which unanimously condemned the US “armtwisting”. Did the Americans consider India, a sovereign nation or not, was what CPI MP D. Raja, who started the debate, wanted to know. He smelt “intimidation” in the ambassador’s “ultimatum”. Uncle Sam ought to know that India had the capability of developing its own nuclear technology, and had been looking for alternative sources like uranium & thorium. According to Raja, the US was only looking for business opportunities in the guise of offering nuke empowerment. This was sheer blackmail, Raja said.
Expectedly all of the Forward Block echoed Raja’s “apprehensions” regarding the “US-specific” deal. AIFB General Secretary Debrabrata Biswas told mediapersons in Chennai that his party would pull out from UPA Government, in case it still went ahead with operationalising the 123 agreement. (The US has been insisting that should the nuclear deal remain unsigned during the Bush tenure, the non-proliferation lobbies would punch into the agreement additional conditionalities. The deal that Bush and Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh agreed upon in 2005 is regarded by many in both nations as a cornerstone of new, warmer Indo-US ties. Under it, India would separate its civilian and military programmes and place 14 of its 22 nuclear plants under unprecedented international safeguards in return for civilian nuclear technology. Washington, in return, has promised to amend the US Atomic Energy Act which prevents it from trading nuclear technology with nations such as India that have not signed the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.)
The Mulford interview comes just as India prepares for yet another round with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) to thrash out a safeguards agreement. Despite four rounds since November, there has been no agreement due to India’s insistence on the right to create strategic fuel reserves and uninterrupted fuel supplies. Now the Left parties, that have throughout threatened to withdraw support to the minority Congress Government – should India try to bulldoze its way through the deal – are doubly furious. How dare Mulford set deadlines for India? they ask.
The Communists see the pact as threat to India’s nuclear weapons programme and facilitating US foreign policy meddling. The Congress rubbishes these fears, arguing that the deal, while opening a new rich energy source, in no way threatens India’s sovereignty. The Catch 22 for Manmohan Singh is: If the Congress pushes ahead with the deal, the Left could walk out and force mid-term polls, which it would rather keep, as scheduled, for next year. And if the deal falls through, Manmohan loses the “place in history” that the deal assures. Indeed, it’s widely considered as singular an achievement as the economic liberalisation that he kick-started as India’s FM.
The Left’s desperation to nuke the Indo-US civilian nuclear deal took centrestage once more as US Ambassador to India David C. Mulford announced his “autumn deadline”.
Mulford had told an Indian TV channel that were India to dilly
dally any further, the deal might just melt down forever – the toughest language the US envoy has used so far. This predictably had the Left hopping mad. For even though it shares power with the Congress in the UPA led by it, the Communists have throughout made the deal the centrepiece of their conditional partnership. Mulford’s warning was met with jeers in the Left ranks, which unanimously condemned the US “armtwisting”. Did the Americans consider India, a sovereign nation or not, was what CPI MP D. Raja, who started the debate, wanted to know. He smelt “intimidation” in the ambassador’s “ultimatum”. Uncle Sam ought to know that India had the capability of developing its own nuclear technology, and had been looking for alternative sources like uranium & thorium. According to Raja, the US was only looking for business opportunities in the guise of offering nuke empowerment. This was sheer blackmail, Raja said.Expectedly all of the Forward Block echoed Raja’s “apprehensions” regarding the “US-specific” deal. AIFB General Secretary Debrabrata Biswas told mediapersons in Chennai that his party would pull out from UPA Government, in case it still went ahead with operationalising the 123 agreement. (The US has been insisting that should the nuclear deal remain unsigned during the Bush tenure, the non-proliferation lobbies would punch into the agreement additional conditionalities. The deal that Bush and Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh agreed upon in 2005 is regarded by many in both nations as a cornerstone of new, warmer Indo-US ties. Under it, India would separate its civilian and military programmes and place 14 of its 22 nuclear plants under unprecedented international safeguards in return for civilian nuclear technology. Washington, in return, has promised to amend the US Atomic Energy Act which prevents it from trading nuclear technology with nations such as India that have not signed the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.)
The Mulford interview comes just as India prepares for yet another round with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) to thrash out a safeguards agreement. Despite four rounds since November, there has been no agreement due to India’s insistence on the right to create strategic fuel reserves and uninterrupted fuel supplies. Now the Left parties, that have throughout threatened to withdraw support to the minority Congress Government – should India try to bulldoze its way through the deal – are doubly furious. How dare Mulford set deadlines for India? they ask.
The Communists see the pact as threat to India’s nuclear weapons programme and facilitating US foreign policy meddling. The Congress rubbishes these fears, arguing that the deal, while opening a new rich energy source, in no way threatens India’s sovereignty. The Catch 22 for Manmohan Singh is: If the Congress pushes ahead with the deal, the Left could walk out and force mid-term polls, which it would rather keep, as scheduled, for next year. And if the deal falls through, Manmohan loses the “place in history” that the deal assures. Indeed, it’s widely considered as singular an achievement as the economic liberalisation that he kick-started as India’s FM.
An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative
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ZEE BUSINESS BEST B SCHOOL SURVEY
B-schooled in India, Placed Abroad (Print Version)
IIPM in Financial times (Print Version)
IIPM makes business education truly global (Print Version)
The Indian Institute of Planning and Management (IIPM)
IIPM Campus
Top Articles on IIPM:-
'This is one of Big B's best performances'
IIPM to come up at Rajarhat
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IIPM makes business education truly global-Education-The Times of ...
The Hindu : Education Plus : Honour for IIPM
IIPM ranked No.1 B-School in India, Management News - By ...
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